Social divisions are a consequence of how we as individuals construct our identities and by that ultimately shape our society.
I will first briefly explain the theory of social divisions by shedding some light on its ‘mechanisms’ and dimensions. By focusing on one dimension of social divisions, class, I will discuss the differences and inequalities within this dimension, try to explain the existing conundrum, and by that disclose the implications of class on peoples life chances. My conclusion will be that class does have a big impact on people’s life chances but each divide interacts with the others to create a complex picture of our social structure meaning, class is not necessarily the primary social division in society but one of quite a few.
According to the social identity theory of Henri Tajfel (1981), our identities, are largely composed of self-descriptions which are made up from the characteristics that we identify with the social groups, we associate ourselves with. In other words, society is divided by different groups, each with its particular and shared experiences, interests and characteristics such as e.g. class, ‘race’, nationality, gender, religion and many more, which make them different and socially divided. These groups are socially and historically constructed and belonging to one or more groups means involvement of rules and conventions. Their social character makes them open to challenge and change over time. Major social divisions like class, gender, ethnicity, age and religion have a big impact on our life-chances but it is important to understand, that they do not apply equally to all members of a group. Evidence for individual agency are working-class children reaching university-level despite the existing inequalities resulting in the educational divide but it is an exemption and in general more difficult to ‘change’ class as I will disclose.
If we discus the impact of social divisions on life-chances of individuals by putting it in relation to class it is important to notice, that especially in the social dimension of class, differences and inequalities are felt strongly on a general perception but personal class-identification and class-consciousness is rather muted as qualitative researches, in-depth interviews, suggests (Bradley,1999). Even if up to 90% of people identify themselves in class terms, as quantitative surveys of the 1980’s by the British Attitudes Survey show, it does not seem to be a strong personal or group identity. Even tough some critics say, that large numbers, up to 40% of people, the economically inactive adults, are excluded from these surveys (Duke and Edgell,1987), this development is in contrast to the growing inequalities based on class background and therefore influencing the life-chances of individuals to a great deal in recent years and I will give some explanations for this conundrum later in this essay.
One reason for increasing differences and inequalities in relation to class is the tendency towards more market orientated, even neo-liberal politics. Where as the period of state intervention led to some erosion of income and wealth inequalities e.g. through progressive taxation, the restructuring of the world economy let to more competition and less solidarity. The worldwide tendency of deregulation and privatization, realized by most of the governments, liberal and conservative, was explained and justified by an increase of opportunities through competitiveness and flexibility resulting in more wealth, jobs and higher standards of living and better life-chances but it also increased the range between the extremes of poverty and wealth, e.g. making it more difficult to find jobs for some groups of people, classes, and with the current reduction on social benefits and health care influencing their present and future life-chances.
A significant development and evidence of this tendency is the massive growth of inequality in wealth distribution. For example tax cuts for companies and individuals, in order to encourage more investment and thus ensuring economic growth, raising property values and continually raising stock markets enabled the already wealthy to accumulate and store even more wealth increasing the inequality of wealth distribution and the divide between the classes. Although some argue that there is a general increase in wealth in western society, the gap between the extremes is widening, increasing life chances for some but decreasing it for others leaving them with no real perspective in our ‘materialized’ society with its corresponding values.
Another significant development is the growing income inequalities. Through globalization and increased flexibility and mobility, an increasing gap in income between different occupational groups like professional, managerial and administrative on one side, and those in other occupations, mainly in the working class, occurred and still widens. The sky rocketing salaries of the top management also show significant differences within the occupational groups themselves. Salaries for highly specialized, well-educated individuals continue to rise showing that with access to high education, funds and cultural capital, usually by being a member of an upper social class, chances are significantly higher to profit and participate on these developments of consequent market orientation, generating a high income and further increasing class inequalities and influencing present and future life-chances of people.
Also status has an influence on income. Prestigious jobs like e.g. pilot or manager are well rewarded but the soaring salaries and especially the bonuses with the later are not well received by the people - differences and inequalities are felt strongly by people on a general perception. Evidence show, that these jobs are usually filled by the corresponding class members, as the following example by Pierre Bourdieu’s arguments about cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1984), by an account of Willis in Learning to Labour (1977), illustrates. He shows how working-class children felt uncomfortable in an academic, middle class school environment and how their habitus leads them to choose a job in manual labour, restricting their future prospects and keeping them within their class. The above mentioned concept of habitus and field, people feel uncomfortable when they meet members of other social classes and therefore routinely avoid it, is more evidence for the still strong existence of class and patterned differences which influence the life-chances of people. Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital comes also in play when knowledge or extra knowledge in a particular field leads to additional possibilities and rewards in another field. This knowledge and awareness exists stronger or less strong in different classes and contributes to their further distinction. The interconnection between cultural capital, the education system and the labour market contributes prominently to the inequalities and social divisions between the different classes.
Having said that and comparing it to the outcome of the surveys mentioned at the beginning, that class identification and class consciousness is rather muted in contemporary society, indicates a conundrum. The conundrum is partly explained by Bourdieu’s cultural capital theory. If people are not conscious about their class identity, they routinely continue to reproduce class inequalities, unaware of their belonging to the class and its implications. In other words, they adjust their lives around their habitus which allows them, to go about their daily lives often without reflecting.
On one side, social division in relation to class shows growing inequalities in distribution of wealth, income inequalities, human capital and health, widening the gap between the one’s who benefit and the disadvantaged. The restructuring of the world economy, erosion of social, moral and territorial boundaries, mobility and flexibility increases insecurity and creates new forms of risk.
On the other side, some argue that the increased wealth accumulation and salary increase by the already wealthy and members of the upper class through globalization and focusing on the market, brought advantages and benefit for almost all of the classes, confirming to some extent the arguments and theory, that reducing taxes on the already wealthy will generate economic growth to the benefit of all, more distinct in the northern hemisphere. The widening gap, the increased differences and inequalities between the classes created more distinct extremes on both ends of the scale of advantaged and disadvantaged people but nevertheless, produces a general improvement for the majority in western societies.
The dimension of class has no doubt a big impact on people’s life-chances but each divide interacts with the others to create a complex picture of the social structure. Place is also a very important factor of the construction, maintenance and representation of social divisions. Access to education, employment and health care are influenced by where we life and construct social divisions, very strongly influencing people’s life-chances. Patterns of ill health and life expectancy between different places (Shaw et al., 1999, Table 2.1, p. 14) are further evidence for the complex picture of the social structure involving not only one social division but several like class, gender, ethnicity and more.
Rather then seeing social divisions as only macrostructural processes and relations, with emphasis on an economic structure and the primary divisions along class lines, I believe that social divisions in contemporary society are much more complex and better described in a sophisticated social division perspective. Identity and social divisions are closely interconnected. Dimensions of identity, a core sense of self or one's personal identity intersecting with circles surrounding the core identity lik e.g., race, sexual orientation, religion, gender and contextual influences like e.g., family background and life experiences, are constructed in relation to each other and depend on each other rather than being isolated elements like e.g. class.
This makes it very difficult for groups, which are disadvantaged in different social divisions, to improve their situation due to the fact that other groups are constructed in relation to these groups and thus being more advantaged and able to maintain the current balance of power. Social divisions do influencing the present and future proscpets of people’s life chances within the different dismension but more powerful in connection with each other.
(1611 words)
References
Bradley, H. (1999) Gender and Power in the Workplace, Macmillan, in Braham, P. and Janes, L., (eds), (2002), social differences and divisions, Milton Keynes, Open University.
Braham, P. and Janes, L. (2002) Introduction, in Braham, P. and Janes, L., (eds), (2002), social differences and divisions, Milton Keynes, Open University.
Bourdieu, P. (1984) Distinction, London, Routledge, in Braham, P. and Janes, L., (eds), (2002), social differences and divisions, Milton Keynes, Open University.
Duke, V. and Edgell, S. (1987) ‘The operationalization of class in British sociology: theoretical and empirical considerations’, British Journal of Sociology, vol. 38, pp. 445-63, in Braham, P. and Janes, L., (eds), (2002), social differences and divisions, Milton Keynes, Open University.
Janes, L. and Mooney. (2002) Place, lifestyle and social divisions, in Braham, P. and Janes, L., (eds), (2002), social differences and divisions, Milton Keynes, Open University.
Radermacher, F. J. (2002) Balance oder Zerstörung, Ökosoziale Marktwirtschaft als Schlüssel zu einer weltweiten nachhaltigen Entwicklung, Ökosoziales Forum Europa, Wien, Austria.
Savage, M. (2002) Social exclusion and class analysis, in Braham, P. and Janes, L., (eds), (2002), social differences and divisions, Milton Keynes, Open University.
Shaw, M., Dorling, D., Gordon, D. and Smith, G.D. (1999) The Widening Gap, Bristol, Policy Press in Braham, P. and Janes, L., (eds), (2002), social differences and divisions, Milton Keynes, Open University.
Tajfel, H. (1981) Human Groups and Social Categories: Studies in Social Psychology, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Willis, P. (1977) Learning to Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs, Farnborough, Saxon House, in Braham, P. and Janes, L., (eds), (2002), social differences and divisions, Milton Keynes, Open University.
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